Home is the Sailor
By Adam
Goodheart
From www.smithsonianmagazine.com/issues/2006/april/
One hundred years ago this month,
John Paul Jones was welcomed home with great fanfare at the U.S. Naval Academy.
But was the body really his?
By Adam Goodheart
In a softly lit crypt beneath
the chapel of the U.S. Naval Academy, a massive sarcophagus of veined marble rests
on the backs of four bronze dolphins. At a respectful distance from the tomb, two
midshipmen with gleaming swords stand vigil over a body and a mystery nearly as
old as our country itself.
One hundred years ago, on April
24, 1906, amid pomp and fanfare the likes of which Annapolis had never seen, an
American president laid to rest a national hero who had died more than a century
before. The great man s remains had only recently been returned to these shores,
rescued from an unmarked grave in a foreign land ;a discovery that was hailed,
on two continents, as a triumph. Yet even at the time, there were whispers that
the cadaver brought home in glory might be the wrong one. The whispers have never
been completely silenced.
The stillness of the crypt is
broken by the voice of a tour guide in Colonial costume. "John Paul Jones was
truly a hero," she says. "He never lost a battle ;came close, but
he never lost." She tells the story of how he received the first salute offered
by a foreign power to an American naval vessel, and how, in 1779, at the helm of
the Bonhomme Richard, he captured the British frigate HMS Serapis even as his own
ship sank beneath him ;uttering the defiant cry, "I have not yet begun
to fight!" She mentions his legendary good looks, his popularity with the ladies.
"Jones died a relatively young man, at the age of 45," she says as she
leads her group toward the exit.
She doesn't mention that a significant
chapter of Jones' story began only with his death, and that it was more eventful
than many people's lives.
In the spring of 1905, in a cramped,
fetid tunnel beneath a working-class neighborhood of Paris, a group of men gathered
around a battered coffin. Several of them were well dressed, in dark frock coats
and bowler hats; others, in grimy, patched clothing, held picks and shovels. By
the light of candles flickering around the head of the coffin, the men watched as
its heavy lid was carefully removed. A sharp alcoholic odor arose, and the candlelight
illuminated cloth and straw. Clearing away the wrapping, the men stared into the
face of the corpse. "Paul Jones!" someone exclaimed, and all present solemnly
removed their hats.
It was an especially satisfying
moment for one of those frock-coated gentlemen: Gen. Horace Porter, the United States
ambassador to France, for whom the discovery was the culmination of a tireless six-year
quest.
Porter, too, was an American war
hero. He had won the Medal of Honor at Chickamauga in 1863 and become one of Gen.
Ulysses S. Grant s favorite aides-de-camp, even standing at the Union commander
s side when Lee surrendered at Appomattox. When ;after arriving in Paris in
1897 ;Porter learned that Jones' body had lain for more than a century in a
forgotten grave somewhere beneath the city, he embarked on finding it in 1899 with
the stamina of a veteran campaigner.
How could the body of so famous
a man vanish for a century?
Over the years, other Americans
had come to Paris in search of Jones, but had been thwarted by a lack of documents.
The French records of his death and burial in 1792 had been destroyed in a fire;
one searcher, in the 1850s, regretfully concluded that the hero s bones had probably
ended up in the vast Paris catacombs, lost forever among millions of anonymous skeletons.
But through persistence and luck, Porter found an article with a transcript of the
burial record. The article attested that Jones had been interred in the Cimetière
St.-Louis, a small graveyard reserved for foreign-born Protestants.
But the cemetery itself seemed
to have vanished. Finally, researchers hired by Porter unearthed old maps that located
it along the rue Grange aux Belles in northeastern Paris. When Porter first visited
the spot, he was appalled. The graveyard had apparently been closed shortly after
Jones' burial, filled in, and built upon. The naval hero now lay somewhere beneath
a laundry, a bric-a-brac shop, several ramshackle houses and a shed for the wagons
of grain merchants. Amid these structures was a small, rubbish-strewn courtyard.
"Here," the ambassador
later recalled, "was presented the spectacle of a hero whose fame once covered
two continents...relegated to oblivion in a squalid quarter of a distant city, buried
in ground once consecrated, but since desecrated by having been used at times as
a garden, with the moldering bodies of the dead fertilizing its market vegetables,
by having been covered later by a common dump pile, where dogs and horses had been
buried, and the soil was still soaked with polluted water from undrained laundries,
and, as a culmination of degradation, by having been occupied by a contractor for
removing night soil."
Porter was determined to dig for
the body at once, but one of his researchers conspired with local property owners
to milk the rich American for all he was worth. "Fabulous prices" were
demanded for the excavation rights, Porter wrote, and he ultimately had to "drop
the matter entirely for a couple of years, to let the excitement subside."
Meanwhile, new impetus for the
search was coming from the other side of the Atlantic, where Theodore Roosevelt
had become president upon the assassination of William McKinley in 1901. T.R. was
not just a lifelong naval history buff ;he d written his first book on the War
of 1812 at sea ;but had served as assistant secretary of the Navy and was an
enthusiastic booster of the modern U.S. Navy, then basking in victories in the Spanish-American
War. He immediately saw the propaganda value in a Jones resurrection, and let Porter
know that if he wished to resume his quest, the federal government would pick up
the bill.
Digging at the rue Grange aux
Belles finally began in February 1905. Since the buildings there were not to be
demolished, laborers had to dig shafts by hand, shoring them up with timbers as
they went and hauling dirt to the surface with buckets and ropes. Almost immediately,
they found what was left of the cemetery: reeking, viscous black soil studded with
thousands of human bones ;and sickeningly alive with enormous red worms. The
men worked quickly. Photographs kept by Porter show piles of earth and cobblestones
rising next to the laundry and the bric-a-brac shop and, down in the tunnels, skulls
jumbled underfoot among heaps of bricks.
The workmen were looking for a leaden coffin: an old letter from
an American acquaintance of Jones' who had been in Paris when the captain died said
Jones had been buried in one, to preserve his remains in case America ever wished
to reclaim them. After two and a half weeks of digging, they unearthed such a coffin,
and newspapers reported that Jones had been found ;until, the next day, a corroded
nameplate on the casket revealed that it contained someone else. Over the next several
weeks, other lead coffins would turn up, each bearing an unJonesian name or containing
a skeleton of the wrong dimensions.
Journalists showed up at Porter's
door; he refused to comment.
But, on the last day of March,
a lead casket with no nameplate ;and of superior workmanship ;was found.
It was opened in Porter's presence a week later to reveal a body in exceptional
condition, apparently because the coffin had been filled with alcohol as a preservative
before burial. The corpse was that of a middle-aged man, dressed in a simple linen
cap, ruffled shirt and shroud, with his waist-length dark hair gathered up at the
neck. In photographs at the Naval Historical Center in Washington, D.C., even the
stubble on his chin is visible. One eye appears half open, as if in an eternal wink.
Under cover of darkness, the cadaver
was transported to Paris s ...cole de Médicine, where the city s most eminent anthropologists
could examine it. They took measurements, performed dissections and, as Porter,
his aides and family hovered anxiously, compared the body with known portraits and
descriptions of Jones. (Sixty years later, the ambassador's great-nephew recalled,
with a shudder, being urged to hold the corpse s "soft and pliable" hand.)
At last, the scientists proclaimed their unanimous judgment: it was indeed the object
of their quest. The linen cap even bore a monogram that looked like a "J"
when held upright, and a "P" when upside down.
Ambassador Porter telegraphed
Washington: "My six years' search for remains of Paul Jones has resulted in
success."
But how could the body of America's
greatest naval hero ;a man who enjoyed worldwide fame in his own lifetime
;have vanished for more than a century?
That chapter of the story begins
in a very different quarter of Paris, along a fashionable Left Bank street called
the rue de Tournon. The place today looks much as it must have in the summer of
1792: a row of sandstone facades, neat and formal as an 18th-century engraving,
sloping gently toward the Luxembourg Palace. In a third-floor apartment toward the
middle of the block, above what is now a rare-book shop, is the room where John
Paul Jones died.
His career had taken several turns
in the decade since America had won its independence from Britain. When the Revolutionary
War ended and the Continental Navy disbanded, Jones found himself turned ashore
without a command ;an intolerable situation for a born sailor who loved, above
all political allegiances, the mingled aromas of salt air and cannon smoke. Moreover,
the Scottish-born captain had spent only a few years of his life in America ("the
country of my fond election," as he called it) and always felt more at home
in Europe. So Jones ;rather to the embarrassment of some admirers ;turned
from serving the New World's fledgling republic to serving the Old World's most
hardened despotism: he enlisted as rear admiral under Catherine the Great of Russia
in her war against the Ottoman Turks. Within a year and a half, though, he left
Russia precipitously, after having been implicated in a sexual scandal involving
a 12-year-old girl (not the first time his libido had gotten him into trouble ashore).
By 1790, Jones was in Paris, hoping that the Colonies' old ally Louis XVI ;or
perhaps the newly inaugurated President Washington, to whom he also sent an entreating
letter ;would favor him with a military command.
But the French king, in that year
after the fall of the Bastille, had more pressing business to attend to, as did
Washington, apparently. So Jones, his health and spirit failing, was left waiting
in the rue de Tournon. Gouverneur Morris, the snobbish American minister to France,
had little patience with the importunate sailor ;a mere gardener's son, by the
way ;who visited him far too often. "He has nothing to say," Morris
wrote snidely in his diary, "but is so kind as to bestow on me all the Hours
which hang heavy on his Hands."
Morris' journal entry for July
18, 1792, notes: "A Message from Paul Jones that he is dying. I go thither
and make his will." After this tiresome business was complete, the American
diplomat hastened off to dinner, and then to call upon his mistress. Finally, later
that night, the couple brought a doctor to the rue de Tournon, where they found
Jones facedown on the bed, already turning cold.
Although the unmarried and childless
Jones was far from impoverished at the time of his death, Morris decided that he
should be buried "in a private and economical manner." A French admirer
ended up footing the bill for a respectable funeral, but it was hardly a send-off
worthy of a world-renowned hero. The cortege wound its way through Paris, passing
beneath the Porte St.-Martin and up a steep country lane toward the little Protestant
cemetery. Despite the upheavals of the French Revolution ;Louis was himself
just six months away from the guillotine ;an official state delegation paid
its respects at the brief service. A few Americans who happened to be in Paris also
turned up. Morris was too busy with preparations for a dinner party he was hosting
that night.
One possible test has not been
triedÿýand may never be.
Several weeks later ;several
weeks too late ;a letter addressed to "John Paul Jones a citizen of the
United States" arrived in Paris. President Washington had appointed him to
a diplomatic post in the service of his adopted homeland.
How different was Jones' next
public procession through Paris, in the summer of 1905, along the Avenue de l'Alma
and the Champs ...lysées. Resplendent battalions of French cavalry and infantry accompanied
the coffin, along with high government officials and diplomatic staff. Hundreds
of American sailors and marines in dress uniforms, including an honor guard handpicked for their height and
good looks, also marched proudly. (Spectators thronged the streets, and Porter noted
with satisfaction how the French ladies, when these bluejackets passed, exclaimed,
"Quels beaux garçons!")
President Roosevelt, in his delight
at Porter's success, had dispatched an entire squadron of American warships across
the Atlantic to receive the body. "I have never seen so many flags ;big
ones, little ones, French, American ;all fluttering in the breeze," an
eyewitness recalled in the 1970s.
Jones' Annapolis memorial service
was more splendid still. On April 24, 1906, much of Congress, the cabinet and the
diplomatic corps gathered at the Naval Academy armory, along with French and American
naval squadrons, the entire corps of midshipmen and thousands of onlookers. Looming
above a casket at a flag-draped stage, Roosevelt hailed Jones' "indomitable
determination and dauntless scorn of death" and seized the opportunity to address
current politics. "Those of you who are in public life have a moral right to
be here at this celebration today only if you are prepared to do your part in building
up the Navy of the present," T.R. declared in trademark style, flashing his
teeth and thumping the podium.
Porter, too, eulogized the hero
he had brought home. "His honored remains will be laid to rest in this historic
spot in a mausoleum befitting his fame, but his true sepulcher will be the hearts
of his countrymen," he told the assembled throng.
Yet amid all the hoopla, murmurs
of skepticism were already audible. "There are many doubting Thomases who are
not satisfied with the identification" of Jones' remains, The Literary Digest
editorialized in its July 29, 1905, issue.
At least one such Thomas could
be found in T.R.'s own cabinet. After Jones' return to America but before the commemoration,
Secretary of the Navy Charles Bonaparte sent one of his aides to ask acting Secretary
of State Alvey Adee for an independent autopsy before reburial. Hearing this request,
the aide later recalled, Adee leapt up and ran into Bonaparte's office, from which
"a strange bellowing sound" shortly emerged. As soon as the acting secretary
of state had departed, the aide continued, Bonaparte "called me in to his office,
and said that he had decided not to have any examination of Jones' body made at
this time."
Several years later, art historians
Charles Henry Hart and Edward Biddle published the most thorough attack yet on Porter's
methods. They revealed that one of the two life busts of Jones by Jean Antoine Houdon
that the French scientists had used for comparison with the corpse was not a portrait
of Jones at all. As for the other, indisputably genuine bust, Porter's team had
made much of the fact that its dimensions almost precisely fit the corpse's
;perhaps too much, since Houdon was an artist, not an anatomist, and would not
necessarily have strived for an exact match. Moreover, Hart and Biddle questioned
the accuracy of the biography of Jones from which Porter had drawn his physical
descriptions.
When journalists showed up at
Porter's doorstep asking for a response ;he had returned by then to New York
City ;he at first refused to comment, then gave a terse rebuttal to Hart and
Biddle's points. Meanwhile, another writer suggested sarcastically that the tomb
of the unknown French gentleman
in Annapolis should bear the following
inscription, in parody of Shakespeare s famous epitaph:
Good friend, for Porter's sake,
forbear
To doubt the dust inclosed here.
Blest be the man that got these
bones,
And curst be he that says "'tain't
Jones."
One afternoon not long ago, I
made my way through the streets of Paris toward rue Grange aux Belles. I knew that
the rue de Tournon house where Jones had died was still intact, but I had no idea
what I would find at the spot where he spent the next hundred years.
The first signs were encouraging.
The little street still rises in a lazy uphill curve, reminiscent of the country
road it had been in 1792. And as in 1905, the quarter remains unfashionable, with
office-supply shops, cheap jazz bars and florists specializing in plastic funeral
wreaths. My hopes lifted even higher as I recognized the somber gray bulk of the
17th-century Hôpital St.-Louis on my right.
Then I rounded the curve and saw
the site of numbers 43, 45 and 47. The corner bar across the street was still intact,
exactly as I d glimpsed it in some of Porter s photographs ;but the laundry,
curiosity shop and wagon shed were gone, obliterated by a 12-story apartment building
with an underground garage.
So if Horace Porter did get the
wrong man, there is not much hope now that the right one could ever be found. The
question is: How much faith should we have in his research, and in the forensic
science of a century ago?
In 2004, Nikki Rogers, a physical
anthropologist at Wright State University in Dayton, Ohio, published a scholarly
article on the identification techniques Porter's medical experts used. "As
a scientist, I had to be open to the possibility that they were wrong," she
says. But in her judgment, this part of the team's work still holds up. For instance,
based on microscopically enlarged photos of the corpse's organ tissues, the scientists
were correct in identifying kidney failure as a probable cause of death. That diagnosis
squares with descriptions of Jones' final illness, as well as with the recurring
tropical fever that he contracted in his youth.
And some of Porter's methods,
such as superimposing a photo of the cadaver's head over one of the Houdon busts
;were ahead of their time. "I've documented that this was the first use
of photo-facial superimposition," Rogers says of a technique still widely practiced
today. "There's not one misstep in the case," she maintains. "Everything
matches."
Yet Porter s surviving papers,
most of which are in the Library of Congress, reveal some disturbing contradictions.
For instance, in 1899, before excavations began, he proclaimed: "There is absolute
proof that John Paul Jones was buried in a leaden coffin which undoubtedly bears
a plate with his name." But in 1911 he told an interviewer: "I really
did not expect to find any name plate, certainly not an engraved one, on John Paul
Jones coffin."
Moreover, Porter appears to have
relied, at least partly, on some seriously flawed evidence. While Hart and Biddle
questioned the Jones biography that he used, the great naval historian Samuel Eliot
Morison later showed it to be little more than a soufflé of "fictions and forgeries."
Porter's researchers trusted it on such crucial facts as Jones' physical stature;
Morison noted that "the description of Jones himself, especially his height
of 5 ft. 7 inches, [was] a pure invention."
As for the weight Rogers accords
the Houdon bust, art historians say that no one should assume ;as Porter did
;that its measurements ought to match those of Jones' actual head. "Sculptors,
especially great ones, don't usually obey the actual proportions," says Nicholas
Penny, a senior curator of sculpture at the National Gallery of Art and an authority
on Houdon. He suggests that even though Houdon was known to take measurements, and
sometimes even life masks, of his portrait subjects (a central point in Rogers'
argument), it may have been an element of showmanship as much as anything else.
Porter's documentary research,
pinpointing the place and circumstances of Jones' burial, has been reconfirmed by
later biographers. And Smithsonian physical anthropologist Douglas Owsley, an expert
on historic burials, notes that "it isn't common at all" to find 18th-century
remains sealed in a lead coffin filled with alcohol: "I can imagine them doing
something like that for a very prestigious individual, if they thought they might
be transporting him to his original home."
Yet it bears pointing out that
a cemetery set aside for foreign Protestants in Paris ;which was, after all,
Europe's most cosmopolitan capital in the 18th century ;could have contained
many such individuals. And while Porter, in his written accounts, insisted that
his workmen dug and probed for lead coffins so thoroughly that they could not possibly
have missed any, there is no independent proof that they did not. Certainly, the
fact that the cemetery lay beneath a built-up city block suggests that they could
not easily have explored it completely. Moreover, Rogers acknowledges that it is
unfortunate that Porter seems to have made no photographs or sketches of important
pieces of evidence, such as the supposed monogram on the linen cap.
One last possible means of proof
has not been pursued ;and perhaps never will be.
In a dingy display case in the
U.S. Naval Academy Museum, a stone s throw from Jones' crypt, sits a gold-framed
miniature portrait of the man painted circa 1780 by an admiring Frenchwoman. On
its reverse side, surrounding the entwined initials "JPJ," is a plaited
brown circlet: a lock of Jones' hair. If the sarcophagus were ever opened, could
the DNA of the hair be compared with the DNA of the corpse?
"It's a fascinating thought,"
says James Cheevers, the museum's senior curator, when I suggest this. Still, he's
not optimistic that such testing will come to pass, especially given Jones' status
among academy alumni: "I'm sure the superintendent of the Naval Academy wouldn't
extend that permission without going to the highest levels of the Navy, and perhaps
even beyond, considering the reverence involved."
Nikki Rogers, however, lights
up at the suggestion. "I'd love to find out," she says. "But then
again, he deserves his rest. He s been through a lot."
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